Office of the Permanent Representative
to the United Nations
box 2580 - 1211 Geneva 2 - f: 0114122-7338671
Mohammed Sidik Mahmoud, Adviser
April 2, 1997
At the suggestion of a State Department official who prefers to remain anonymous, I am contacting you on my experiences with the Swiss border police and UN officials in Geneva.
I will never forget the 23 February 1996 when, with a French and a Swiss visum in my Iraqi passport, the French border police at the Geneva airport probably saved my life. BriefIy, this is my story: I am a Kurdish lawyer from Sulaymanyia (Northern Iraq) who served the Iraqi People as Agricultural Minister, Governor and Adviser to President Saddam Hussein. However, when the Assyrians, Kurds and Turkomans rose against Baghdad after Iraq's defeat in 1991, I also believed in President Bush's encouraging words and joined that uprising. And since I have thus become an opposition leader - which seems to be unforgiveable in the eyes of some - nobody could ignore that a visit to Baghdad would now be a death ticket for me.
In October 1995, the International Committee for European Security and Cooperation (an NGO in consultative status with ECOSOC and UNESCO) appointed me as ICESC Deputy Permanent Representative, in charge of Good Offices in Near Eastern affairs. After some hassle from Swiss authorities, in mid-February 1996, I was finally issued in Cairo Swiss and a French visum providing for NGO work at the UN. But when I arrived at Geneva airport on 23 February, the Swiss police immediately cancelled my visum and detained me, without giving any reason. And when, for obvious reasons, I objected to a check of my Iraqi passport by members of the Iraqi mission, I was told that I am going to be "deported to Baghdad". It was only due to the frantic efforts by my Swiss friends and ICESC's Main Representative in Geneva that, after a chilling five hours detention, I was allowed to exit the airport to France - vive la France!
I have long pondered whether and how I should seek to straighten out this matter with the Swiss authorities. My Swiss visum is still not reinstated. And the ICESC, since that fateful date in February 1996, has in fact been paralyzed by additional sniper fire. All this has not exactly helped the work I am supposed to carry on at the UN. I have thus drafted the statement "Is Geneva Fit to Host the Commission on Human Rights?" I am bringing this draft paper to your attention as, in the event, a friendly NGO may be found for sponsoring its presentation, e.g. at the current session of the UN Commission on Human Rights. At any rate, I wish to express my deep gratitude for the help the U.S. authorities have extended to me personally and to the Mosul Vilayet inhabitants I represent, and I am looking forward to enhanced dialogue and opportunities to be also of service to you and to the American people. Meanwhile, I assure you, dear Mister Vice-President, of my highest consideration and remain, sincerely yours,
enclosure: draft statement
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COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS
Fifty-third session,
Agenda items 22 & 9:
Follow-up to the World Conference
on Human Rights;
Improving the Commission's Work
Written Statement [planned to be] submitted
by
International Committee for European
Security and Cooperation
The Secretary-General has received
the following communication, which is circulated in accordance with Economic
and Social Council resolution 1296 (XLIV).
THREATS TO ASYLUM AND TO UN HUMAN
RIGHTS FACILITIES
On the need to respect and enforce due process
and other human rights at the UN
1. In her statement to the 53rd session of the Commission on Human Rights, the UN High Commissioner for Refugees, Mrs. Sadako Ogata, said she wished "to underscore the grave threat to asylum in many areas ... Why do I perceive this threat to asylum? The indicators, unfortunately, are all around us. Access to territory is becoming more and more difficult, as we continue to see outright denial of access, through rejections at the border, and the erection of more subtle barriers, such as legislative restrictions." And while Mrs. Ogata probably did not mean access to Switzerland and to the various UN human rights facilities in Geneva, she certainly could also have spoken for some NGOs involved in bringing victims of human rights abuses to Geneva for testimony before the Commission on Human Rights or before its Special Rapporteurs who, in some cases, are not even allowed into the countries they report about.
2.
Inspired by the World Conference on Human Rights, one NGO program
broke new ground. Together with other NGOs, the International Committee
for European Security and Cooperation, in 1995, brought some 200
Armenians, Assyrians, Kurds and Turcomans from Iran, Iraq and Turkey to
Geneva for first-hand testimony on their economic, cultural and human rights
conditions, notably about the way their internationally protected religious
minority status as Christians, Alewites,
Yezidis,
etc. has been respected by their respective governments. Although that
tour
de force faced numerous obstacles, it caused no major problem and at
the Commission it was generally appreciated and contributed to its work.
Yet, for reasons which have never been explained, that program, too was
suddenly brought to a halt. And while the host government, as a
rule, commendably assisted those involved in NGO work, there are notable
exeptions which call for an independent investigation and need to be cleared
up urgently - not least in the Commission's own interest.
3.
In fact, attempts to muzzle NGO representatives seem to be on the
rise. To be sure, the point of order instrument is increasingly
being used with imagination by concerned delegations. More
discretely, the Commission's present host country can be helpful by
not granting a visa, as happened e.g. in the notorious case of a NGO-sponsored
Chinese dissident. No less alarming,
one early morning during the 52nd session, Swiss police
expulsed manu militari a duly
accredited NGO representative who also happened to be a member of the
FIS parliamentary delegation. Another NGO representative has been denied
access to the Palais des Nations - in apparent violation of resolution
1296, thus disrupting that NGO's work. Also with administrative means,
one representative who was to testify before the Commission about his related
experiences has again been prevented from doing so. And during the
53rd session, representatives were even threatened and physically
abused. Symbolizing our resolve to stand against such developments and
as a contribution to the improvement of the Commission's work, following
is the testimony of a NGO representative who was repeatedly prevented
from addressing the Commission:
My name is Mohammed Sidik Mahmoud. I am a Kurdish lawyer from Sulaymanyia in the Mosul Vilayet (Northern Iraq) who served the Iraqi people as Agriculture Minister, Governor and Presidential Adviser. However, when the Assyrians, Kurds and Turkomans rose against Baghdad after Iraq's defeat in 1991, I also believed in President Bush's encouraging words and joined that uprising. I have thus become an opposition leader, which is unforgiveable in the eyes of some. Therefore, nobody could ignore that my return to Baghdad would now be a death ticket for me.
With my background, I could indeed add to the already heavy body of testimony against the Iraqi regime. But that would not make a dent in Baghdad. It would not help any segment of the already all-too-long and excessively suffering Iraqi people. Nor would it help to open up people's mind for new vistas and practicable ways out of the present mess. On the other hand - and this is where the Commission could also benefit from my particular case - if it used this and other experiences imaginatively, some current human rights disasters in the Middle East and in other parts of the world might be resolved without further burdening foreign taxpayers.
In this sense,
the representatives of the 5 million strong Arab, Assyrian, Kurdish and
Turkoman communities and tribes of the oil- and water-rich Mosul Vilayet
invited me in 1992 to serve as a co-founder and chief organizer of the
supreme Mosul Vilayet Council (MVC). In 1926 this former Ottoman
Empire province was conditionally attached to the Kingdom of
Iraq. Due to the never-abrogated constitutive
Iraqi Declaration of 30 May 1932 (reproduced in: E/CN.4/.Sub.2/1992/NGO/27),
the Mosul Vilayet inhabitants in particular formally enjoy internationally
recognized minority protection and property rights which are understood
as still valid. Indeed, in 1950, the International Court of Justice,
in an analoguous case, firmly ruled that
Concerned also about Europe's strategic oil reserve in the Mosul Vilayet, the 30 year old International Committee for European Security and Cooperation, in October 1995, appointed me as ICESC Deputy Permanent Representative, in charge of Good Offices in Near Eastern affairs. Perhaps my Swiss visa application in Istanbul was accidentally mishandled; nevertheless, my Turkish transit visa thus expired and I was obliged to wander about in the Middle East. In mid-February 1996, I was finally issued in Cairo both a Swiss and a French visa providing for NGO work at the UN in Geneva. But when I arrived at Geneva airport on 23 February 1996, the Swiss police immediately cancelled my visa and detained me, all without giving any reason. And when, obviously, I objected to the planned check of my Iraqi passport by members of the Iraqi mission, Swiss border guards told me that I am going to be 'deported to Baghdad'. It was only due to the frantic efforts by my Swiss friends and ICESC representatives that, after a chilling five hours detention, I was allowed to exit the airport to France - vive la France!
The fact that I can't testify before you in person and that ICESC is now not represented at the Commission raises questions on the latter's ability and on that of its members and its NGO contributors to carry out their task in an evironment of law, due process and human rights. Who keeps track of the cases where the UN Administration and/or the host government prevented access to the Commission on Human Rights, thus interfering in its proper functioning? We know that during World War Two Swiss officials turned back at the borders over 30.000 members of undesirable minorities who were thus mostly driven towards death in gas chambers. And we know that the Swiss National Bank was then heavily involved in trade with looted gold. But I, for one, presumed that Switzerland's international and human rights obligations are now reliably heeded on every level. And that Swiss officials wouldn't need an Iraqi refugee to tell them about the 15 November 1996 'Chahal' ruling by the European Human Rights Court in Strasbourg with which it prohibited - once again - the deportation of a person to a country where his/her life is seriously endangered (70/195/576/662). Indeed, the President of the Swiss Confederation, Arnold Koller, publicly stated: 'Aujourd'hui, nous ne renvoyons personne qui se trouverait en danger de mort ou qui risquerait d'être torturé dans son pays' ('In our days, we send back no one whose life would be endangered or who might be tortured in his country', Journal de Genève, 29 March 1997). So I may still receive a satisfactory official explanation.
Also, neither I nor the ICESC representative expected to draw so heavy fire in Geneva against our efforts to prevent the unprecedented looting of Assyrians, Jews, Kurds and Turkomans as the internationally protected owners of oil-rich lands. In protest, my colleague has gone on strike until this matter will be satisfactorily resolved so as to reliably preclude similar incidents in the future. All this, it seems, did not sit well with some of the involved Swiss officials. For my valiant Swiss human rights defender suddenly saw himself shut out from the Palais des Nations - without a hearing, without a charge of any wrong-doing and without appeal. To date all efforts have failed to identify the source behind this and related harrassments and to find a legal basis for this 'administrative decision' reminiscent of the ukases of past times. The only 'justification' muttered so far was that this internationally renowned minority rights expert and ICESC representative was 'too persistent.' Apparently there should be more of them!
A survey among the Missions to the UN in Geneva revealed other disturbing incidents involving the present host government. At the Palais des Nations only Swiss officials are said to have the influence thus brought to bear in this and similar cases. Not surprisingly then, the Swiss authorities repeatedly refused to formally deny their involvement in this affair.
Which brings
us back to my initial question. Which is: Can the UN Office at Geneva
still be trusted to unreservedly apply within its walls the human rights
standards the UN stands for? This and other grave cases point to undue
external influences and out-of-control
UN officials. One option which deserves consideration is a change
of venue to Bonn, Paris or elsewhere. Particularly if courageous, competent
and principled NGOs and representatives are recognized as indispensable
pillars of an effective and efficiently working UN Commission on
Human Rights."
Office of the Permanent Representative
to the United Nations
box 2580 - CH 1211 Geneva 2
Mohammed Sidik Mahmoud,
Adviser
t+f: 0033-450322842
3 June 1997
Following the recommendation of Dr. Dirk Baumgartner of the German Foreign Ministry, I take pleasure communicating to you my written testimony which, for obscure reasons, I was again prevented from delivering in person to the UN Commission on Human Rights - technically because my visa is still not reinstated, so I cannot enter Switzerland, not even for UN business.
In light of these and related roadblocks (1), I gladly heed the German Foreign Ministry's advice and call on you for guidance and assistance in order to overcome promptly and effectively whatever administrative obstacle may still stand in my way to Geneva, to my accreditation at the UN Commission on Human Rights and, generally, to my work with the UN organizationsin Geneva. As a duly elected representative of minorities who were granted a special status in international law (E/CN.4/367/Add.1; E/CN.4/Sub.2/1992/NGO/27; E/CN.4/1995/NGO/52), I am grateful to the German and other governments' support for the universal respect of our special rights and I am looking forward to corresponding effective measures from your office as well as to an early opportunity to discuss matters with you in person. Meanwhile, I assure Your Excellency of my highest consideration.
cc: AA; GMGE; CHMGE;
UNSG; UNGO.
enclosures: draft Written Statements
8/8/96, 4/97;
Auswärtiges Amt/MVC, 15.5.97;
MVC/Bundeskanzler, 2.4.97
________________
(1) The representative
of the International Committee for European Security and Cooperation, J.A.Keller,
on account of such and similar interferences, has been on strike since
23 February 1996 for what he sees as "inexcusable
transgressions" by his government. With his actions, he seeks them to be
"repaired and lastingly corrected". Oddly, the Swiss authorities have rejected
so far all related efforts, incl. interventions by Swiss Parliamentarians.
Yet, they quickly grasped the nuissance value of this political action.
Since March 1996, through the UN bureaucracy, they sought to neutralize
it by having Mr.Keller physically expulsed from the Palais des Nations,
and 4 days before the end of the 52nd session, they obtained
his permanent exclusion - including from the UN Library where, for the
last 30 years, he did League of Nations, minority protection and other
research. Mr.Keller hasn't been charged with any wrong-doing, he had no
hearing, and this administrative
ukase cannot be appealed - so much for respect of due process and human
rights inside the UN. As a result of all this, the ICESC, since February
1996, has not found it appropriate to formally participate in any UN work
in Geneva, thus foreclosing also its sponsorship of the enclosed Written
Statements on "Oil-for-food" vs Assyrian rights in Iraq, and on my testimony.
Perhaps this will warn others who might be tempted to violate human rights
in order to protect what they see as superior interests: by forcibly interfering
in Mr.Keller's agenda, he found time for other subjects (since May 1996
he advises U.S. lawmakers on the matter of Jewish Nazi
victim families' claims against Swiss banks); have Swiss
officials thus unwittingly accentuated problems beyond their vision &
abilities?
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Office of the Permanent Representative
to the United Nations
box 2580 - 1211 Geneva 2 - 079-6047707,
-4425088
Mohammed Sidik Mahmoud, Adviser
21.Oktober 1998 (corr.1) SFDRS
Arena, zHv. Herrn Leutenegger
Zürich e-mail:
sfdrs@sfdrs.ch
AKTUELLE ASYLFRAGEN
Sehr geehrter Herr Leutenegger,
Derzeit beherrschen Asylgesuche von Flüchtlingen aus dem Balkan (Kosovo) die öffentliche Debatte in der Schweiz. Andere Aspekte der heutigen Schweizer Flüchtlingspolitik gelangen dabei kaum zur Diskussion, obwohl, wie an unserem Falle illustriert werden könnte, auch sie zur Konsensbildung und bedriedigenden Lösung dieses wachsenden humanitären Problems beitragen könnten.
Zufolge des seit 1991 aufrechterhaltenen Doppel-Embargos der UNO und Baghdads gibt es zwar auch in Nordirak (Mosul Vilayet) weiterhin eine humanitäre Desasterzone, doch haben es bisher nur wenige unserer assyrischen, kurdischen, turkomanischen und andern Einwohner geschafft, aus dieser Unterdrückungszone auszubrechen und - vorübergehend, als Gäste befreundeter Völker - für sich und ihre Familien eine würdigere Zukunft aufzubauen. Als Vertreter unserer vielfältig und seit Generationen bedrückten Volksgruppen haben meine Kollegen vom Mosul Vilayet Council und ich versucht, unsere Anliegen bei und via die UNO und deren Menschenrechts-Einrichtungen zu vertreten. Als Gastland der UNO hat die Schweiz auch eine wichtige Funktion zur Erleichterung der Einreise und des Aufenthalts von Vertretern von bedrohten Völkern. In unserem Falle gäbe es dazu einiges positives zu berichten; gewisse Aspekte der derzetigen Schweizer Visapolitik ( http://www.solami.com/a32d.htm ) erscheinen aber gleichwohl diskussions- und verbesserungsfähig und -bedürftig. Dahingehend mag die Teilnahme unseres Generalbevollmächtigten Herrn Keller an Ihrer Arena-Veranstaltung von morgen dienlich sein.
Mit freundlichen Grüssen
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24.Oktober 1998
Herrn Regierungsrat Eberle
Kant. Justiz- und Polizeidepartement
6300 Zug
re: Schweizer Asylbewerber-Camps in Albanien
Sehr geehrter Herr Regierungsrat,
Als Vertreter der assyrischen, kurdischen und turkomanischen Völker des Mosul Vilayet (Nordirak) gegenüber der UNO und andern internationalen Organisationen (siehe Beilage) hatte Herr Leutenegger vom Fernsehen DRS mir frendlicherweise Gelegenheit gegeben bei der Aufzeichnung der Sendung "Asylpolitik, wie weiter?" als Beobachter teilzunehmen.
Am Rande dieser Veranstaltung teilten Sie das
Interesse von Herrn Bundesrat Koller
zur Entwicklung prophylaktischer Asylmassnahmen. Auch er empfand
diesen Lösungsweg als ideal, aber offenbar als unzugänglich oder
noch nicht erkannt (1). Ich verwies Sie dann, privat, auf meine einschlägigen
Sondierungen zur Einrichtung von Schweizer Asylbewerber-Camps in geeigneten
Nachbarländern der betreffenden Asylbewerbergruppe und empfahl Ihnen
die Einbringung dieser Idee in die laufenden Behördengespräche.
Diese Idee basiert auf der Tatsache, dass unsere einschlägigen völkerrechtlichen
Verpflichtungen auch dann sinn- und wortgemäss eingehalten würden,
wenn die in die Schweiz eingereisten Asylbewerber in einem geeigneten Nachbarland
ihres eigenen Kulturbereichs untergebracht würden. Dies für
die Dauer des Asylprüfungsverfahrens in hinreichend sicheren Camps,
welche den humanitären Grundbedürfnissen entsprechen, und zulasten
aber
nicht in der Schweiz. Im aktuellen Fall der Flüchtlinge
aus Kosovo wäre also die Errichtung von Schweizer
Flüchtlings-Camps in Albanien, Mazedonien und Bosnien zu
prüfen.
Im Zusammenhang mit dem Zustrom von tamilischen
Asylbewerbern aus Sri Lanka hatte ich einschlägige Fragen in den Achtzigerjahren
in Colombo und den benachbarten Maldiven abzuklären zuhanden von eidgenössischen
Parlamentariern (de Chastenay, Hefti, Kaufmann, Oehen, Stucky, u.a.m.).
Obwohl die Resultate durchwegs positiv waren, politisch war die Zeit noch
nicht reif für diese Lösung. Im Rahmen eines generelleren
Auftrags jugoslavischer Parlamentarier führte ich 1992 einschlägige
Sondierungsgespräche mit Behördenvertretern in Albanien.
Im Bedarfsfall könnte daran angeknüpft werden;
aus einer Reihe von Gründen empfähle es sich aber, bei den
anstehenden Gesprächen mit den eidgenössischen Behörden
vorderhand nur die Grundsatzfrage aufzuwerfen - ohne Bezug auf diese Vorarbeiten.
Gegebenenfalls anerböte sich die Aufnahme direkter Gespräche
mit den albanischen, mazedonischen und/oder bosnischen Behörden im
Auftrag Ihres Departements oder der Konferenz der kantonalen Justiz- und
Polizeidirektoren.
Ich danke Ihnen für das meinen Vorschlägen entgegengebrachte Interesse und stehe für weitergehende Fragen gerne zur Verfügung. Inzwischen verbleibe ich,
mit freundlichen Grüssen
__________
1 Vielleicht mit der Denksportaufgabe vergleichbar,
welche ich als Logo adoptiert habe (oben rechts),
wonach man die 9 Sterne mittels 4 geraden Linien verbinden soll, ohne
je den Stift vom Papier zu heben.
Sie kann nur dann gelöst werden, wenn man sich getraut, aus den
Grenzen auszubrechen, welche -
symptomatisch für viele Alltagsprobleme - durch die 9 Sterne nur
vorgegeben scheinen.
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