1.    I greatly appreciate your prompt report of 31 May on what I understand to have been a National Conference for Sovereignty & Democracy, held in Baghdad on May 28 under the auspices of the UN Special Representative Brahimi.  I received it as reproduced below under the title "explanation mvc meting".  My initial reactions, advices and oral comments on this and related meetings - not unlike those of Najim - seem to be borne out by what actually happened before and since in relation to these meetings.  And for some close observers at least, all of this reads pretty much like an ill-based, ill-guided and eventually ill-fated cherrypicking from the Iraq stabilization plans we developed prior, during and since Sidiq and I visited Iraq in March 2004 (www.solami.com/silverbullet.htm).  So all of us may be well advised to hope for the best while preparing for the worst still yet to come, including a snap withdrawal from Iraq by the US forces.  How that is to be done best will have to be decided on the basis of such imminent events as the adoption of a new UN Security Council resolution on Iraq, the way Iraq's to be newly regained "full sovereignty" is affecting post 1 July 2004 political, religious, economic and other conditions on the ground in and around Iraq, and developments linked to the next US presidential elections.  Realistically, and for the time being, I find myself again compelled essentially to lean back, contemplate and seeking to find out what's really going on.

2.    Let me begin with a personal note of appreciation for what, since its inception in 1992, you have been able and willing to contribute on the path to seeing the Mosul Vilayet project become reality.  Originally, as evidenced by our Fundamental Declarations (.../a31.htm) this project was designed above all as a vehicle for improving living conditions in that part of Iraq regardless of who is in charge in Baghdad.  Now that regime change is no longer an issue, we can share the view of those who describe our long-reviled exercise in frustration as a ground-breaking work which now can serve the constituant communitities of all of Iraq - and perhaps even beyond - as a mutually helpful political laboratory for developing the kind of intra- and extra-communal relationships which seem to be indispensable for securing the Iraq people a dignified, respected and successful place in the world of the 21st Century.  I appreciate your on-going personal sacrifices, your diligent researches, thoughtful comments and great networking among your numerous friends and trusted allies.  And I value particularly your recognition of human limits and failings, and your corresponding willingness to contribute your part for overcoming personal differences and to truly help Najim resolve his growing political, administrative and personal burdens.  Which becomes crucial in light of Najim's preoccupying health situation.

3.    To be sure, Najim's leadership position - not unlike yours and that of others - has never been exactly helped by the dominant local personalities, nor by the powers that be and the uncertainties associated with their changing fortunes.  Moreover, Najim seems to have - again - found it indicated to rely on promises and persons whose real functions, powers and agendas, to the naked eye at least, are less than transparent.  Also, his own key MVC functions and tasks seem to burden him unduly now that health, family and tribal problems are taking a heavier toll than any single man can shoulder.  So maybe - to our loss and great regret - he will want to formally and effectively pass on the torch to some other qualified and hopefully equally able and enthusiastic successor who is capable and willing to put up with all the hardship and frustrations associated with this vocation.  Indeed, the communication lines to and from Iraq are still hugely deficient, and the persistant lack of reliable communications and adequate operational funds continue to jeopardize all our related efforts.  Curiously, and for reasons I hadn't previously given much thought either, all of you - inluding Najim, before him Omar, and all others who agreed to carry the burden of special responsibilities for seeking to turn the Mosul Vilayet Project into reality - are free to throw in the towel and resign at any moment, while I seem to be contractually and irrevocably duty-bound to serve as adviser, trustee and mediator for as long and as best as I can (.../a31.htm) ¦ "Mandate and Landownership Title").

4.    Under the credo of seeking to become part of the solution, rather than of the problem, Sidiq, Abdulrahman and myself continue to stand by for news and developments which will enable us to come back and contribute whatever we can towards achieving the currently overriding objective of a stabilized, secure and truly sovereign Iraq as being an indispensable condition for rebuilding Iraq's economy, civil society and body politics in the sense of the proposed - and more-than-ever actual - Reconciliation Resolution "We, the Iraqi People" (.../recres.htm).  As indicated over the phone, and as seen from this vantage point, recent and current developments in Baghdad and elsewhere seem to make it urgent to be patient, with the next step perhaps being an informal consultative meeting outside of Iraq involving interested qualified Iraqi and other personalities.  Such a meeting might await the passage of the 30 June 2004 deadline, particularly if Ankara - who is now preoccupied with preparing the NATO summit - were to be the venue which might indeed be more practical and generally preferred over the still harassment-prone Geneva.

5.    Appearances to the contrary notwithstanding, our proposals have received, and continue to draw benevolant consideration in many quarters of the powers that be.  Which, of course, is no guarantee for anything to anybody.  Not only because in each of these power centers, backgrounds, perception of national interests and opinions differ, sometimes widely and with mutually neutralizing effects if not contrary to received wisdom (e.g.: .../britishgas.htm).  But also - and not least - because some artificially high-profiled or "preferred" Kurds in particular continue to miss few opportunities to shoot themselves into their own feet.  According to usually reliable info from insiders, which I received on June 5, during the on-going direct consultations with his homologues on a new Security Council resolution on Iraq, one Kurdish Iraqi personality who was hand-picked to survive the demise of the Governing Council and to serve on in the current interim governmental capacity reportedly felt obliged to continue to bring upon himself and his brethren distrust, contempt and ridicule by heeding his ill-advised foreign masters' myopic wishes, wispers & whims.  I have indeed been sadened to learn that this particular claimed-to-be Iraqi representative recklessly, ignorantly and foolishly turned down as unwelcome "colonial-time souvenirs" meticulously prepared serious offers by more enlightened Security Council members to include in the currently drafted comprehensive Iraq resolution a formal and thus break-through reference to Iraq's constitutive, fundamental and still fully valid and binding Declaration of 30 May 1932 which, as you know, contains most helpful international minority protection and private property rights guarantees (.../a3a.htm).  If true, this manifestly ill-advised Iraqi representative, despite of the best intentions he undoubtedly has for himself, the Kurds and most other Iraqis, may not even be aware of the opportunities he thus once again is missing.  And like others before him, he and those who put and eventually keep him in that key foreign relations position, can and will have nobody and nothing else but themselves and their own shortcomings to blame for the consequences of this latest disastrous foreign policy fumbling.  So all-in-all, I have a rather mixed feeling on what's immediately ahead of us, and I have serious doubts on whether the impending UN Security Council resolution will adequately and helpfully reflect the elements we have been able to dig up and which are offering historic opportunities in the eyes of a growing number of street-wise scholars and politicians who are neither members of the American Flat Earth Society (http://www.alaska.net/~clund/e_djublonskopf/Flatearthsociety.htm), nor pretending-to-be-admirers of the cloth allegedly worn by the in-fact naked Emperor.  From one such enlightened - high-placed - source, I was given on May 29 to understand what follows in summary:

"US rejected trusteeship solution for Iraq (for the time being; and mainly because their decision-makers are still loath to share effective power with 14 other States who are members of the UN Charter-based Trusteeship Council; .../silverbullet.htm ¦ .../opinion.htm).  Originally, interim government was American, not Brahimi's proposal.  Street in Baghdad and elsewhere in Iraq will decide destiny of this 'amero-colonial' attempt to replace 'perfide Albion's role in that and other regions'."

Anton Keller, Geneva - 7 June 2004
+4122-7400362
+4179-6047707
swissbit@solami.com

PS:  Sheik Salar's note of 31 May 2004:

1. I attended national conference for sovereignty & Democracy in Baghdad 28/5 under Ibrahimi watch. There were governing council head word, Ibrahimy's one, and Barzany's. It is the last one made a base for determining Iraqi next government figures. A week ago, Bremer has told both leaders not to ask any posts. Now, Dr. Rozh appointed vice-president, Yawar / President Dr. Barham V- PM. It is likely and a news about be published tomorrow.
The conference ended by the followings:-
1. A discussion of current trends of the existing crisis in country.
2. Aspects of the crisis & proposals to solve.
3. Recommendations.
4.  Directions of qualification committee and necessary steps.

Resolutions:
1. Forming a coalition federal government of a wide popular base demanding experience and fairness from party representatives, political forces, personalities and every provinces representative.
2. Electing a state president with two vice –presidents.
3. Regaining a full sovereignty and authorizing transitional government with all political, security and economic dossiers paving the way to an election.
4. Asking Security Council to issue a new resolution about Iraq giving legacy to the government formed before 30 June.
5. Making sure of depending on state administration interim law for the transitional period and applying its items.
6. Supporting present political Iraqi Kurdistan entity & expanding its power and fixing Kurdistan region boundaries geographically & historically, making sure of removal of Arabization tracks in kirkuk and all other governorates.
7. Expanding women role and letting them participate in state policy.
8. Forming a broad council having legislative authority from present governing council members and others to support the interim government. Watching its jobs. Efforts for announcing this council coincident with ministries & presidency formation.
9. providing a fit mechanization, space and political, security and technical situation together with financial resources to do elections perfectly & be watched by UN actively
10. Guarantying multi nations rights represented in the political boards fitting with number ratio.
11. Condemning terrorism and eccentric styles etc…
12.  Acting with conservancy with those decisions related to returning Baa'thists to decided governmental posts, especially educational and teaching lines.

Concerning my opinion & conclusion, if we take important and the most important into consideration, No.6 mentioned previously is the most significant to Kurdish people & our area. After the 8th may be the expected council. Also the 10th.

2- Today I met Mr. Kosrat and called you from there, about 1:30 still, he is sticking to his stance he made me sure if the meeting be in Slemani, He will provide accommodation, security , reception in best way, After I passed him your compliments and your saying that UN will provide the same too.
3. I prefer to talk with the latter to coordinate about.
4. For me, there is no excuse left for more delay.